Peranakans General term for Straits Chinese. Males are known as Babas and females as Nyonyas. Peranakans have their own distinctive culture, which is a combination of Malay, Chinese as well as other influences.

The Peranakans are known for their adaptability. They would claim, when the occasion arose, to be ‘more Chinese than the Chinese’, ‘more English than the English’ and ‘more Malay than the Malays’. The Peranakans followed many Chinese traditional customs which were practised less elaborately among other Chinese; the Babas dressed like Englishmen, engaged in English sports and were, at times, fervent ‘British- born’ patriots; and the community even published the first newspaper in romanized Malay and developed the art of dondang sayang, where a group of participants banter with one another. In modern Singapore, Peranakan culture is associated with the sarong kebaya (an embroidered blouse worn together with a sarong), its cuisine (see box) and styles of architecture, furniture, porcelain and jewellery.

The roots of the Singapore Peranakans can be traced to Chinese settlements in Malacca and the Dutch East Indies from at least the 17th century onwards, when intermarriages took place between male Chinese migrants and local non- Chinese women. Peranakan identity has undergone many changes since then, and can be traced through four phases.

The first phase occurred in the 19th century, when Peranakan identity was associated with the legal status of a ‘British- born subject’, wealth, political allegiance to the British and the intention of permanent residence in Singapore. The Peranakans were often perceived as a ‘better class of Chinese in Singapore’, an elite, and different from the China- born (sinkheh) population. Whereas the sinkheh were mostly men who had left their families back in China or remained unmarried, the Peranakan community had an occasional surplus of women. The Peranakans further differentiated themselves through their linguistic abilities (speaking a variant of Malay and some English) and the adoption of Malayanized and later English cultural markers. At the same time, the Peranakans placed much emphasis on traditional Chinese wedding, funeral and ancestral rites, thus becoming somewhat paradoxical custodians of Chinese culture.

The second phase spans the years between 1894 and 1942, which constituted the coming of age of the Peranakans’ political stake in the Crown Colony: English- educated and politically moderate Baba leaders played key roles in the administrative councils and commissions. However, ‘Peranakan identity’ during this period has often been defined as cultural. Interestingly, the Baba Reform Movement (led by Lim Boon Keng and Song Ong Siang) fought against many aspects of ‘Peranakan culture’ such as the pigtail, divination, matchmaking and other aspects of the 12- day wedding. The definition of ‘Peranakan culture’ tended to differ with gender. The Nyonyas adhered to Malay cultural influences and were usually more comfortable speaking ‘Baba Malay’; the Babas were more anglicized, conversing in English and adopting Western attire and leisure pursuits.

The third phase is usually thought to have begun with the Japanese Occupation and to mark the decline of Peranakan culture. The Peranakans lost much of their material culture and their many ceremonies, which were cumbersome and costly, had to be simplified or even discarded. During the twilight years of British rule in Singapore between 1945 and 1959, the British openly viewed the ‘King’s or Queen’s Chinese’ as the ‘natural leaders’ of ‘the Chinese of Singapore’. However, with the vast majority of Chinese- educated Chinese being vehemently anti- colonial, the status of the Peranakans became increasingly ambiguous. Eventually, with the waning of British influence and the rapid rise of the People’s Action Party (PAP), which led to self- rule in 1959, the Peranakans reached a second crucial turning point.

The fourth phase began after Singapore achieved self- governance in 1959, and the Peranakans as a group were openly belittled as ‘deculturalised’, although leading members of the PAP such as Lee Kuan Yew and Goh Keng Swee were publicly described as English- educated Babas. As a politically, legally and economically defined ‘group’, the Peranakans became relatively unimportant, and drastic cultural changes occurred as well. Traditional courtship, marriage, ancestral and funeral rites were largely abandoned. Many Peranakans deserted Chinese ancestral worship and embraced Christianity, particularly Catholicism. In many cases, Malay language standards among Peranakans deteriorated, and the sarong kebaya was seen less often in public.

Generally, the younger generation has become less distinguishable from non- Peranakan Chinese. The government’s equation of Mandarin with the ‘Chinese’ language was an important move towards developing a single ‘Chinese identity’ in Singapore. While the public focus until the PAP’s electoral victory in 1959 was clearly on ‘Peranakan politics’, the late 1960s began to witness a public emphasis on ‘Peranakan culture’. This switch of emphases is reflected in the changing role of the Straits Chinese British Association. It had once considered becoming a political party, but later adopted a largely cultural role and was renamed the Peranakan Association. Ironically, the change occurred at a time when aspects of Peranakan culture not only began to disappear, but were commercialized and used to promote tourism. Peranakan restaurants, antique shops, Peranakan festivals and plays are examples of a continued commercial interest in things Straits Chinese. The Asian Civilisations Museum in Armenian Street will become a Peranakan museum when it reopens in 2008.

Photo credit: National Museum of Singapore